property rights
at 12:54
Last week David Cameron unveiled the Tories' latest wheeze - the idea that those able to work but not doing so and claiming benefits should be forced into some form of "community work" to justify their benefits after a period. Two years on Job Seeker's Allowance is enough to prove someone either unemployable or simply lazy goes the line. In some quarters it was hailed, not doubt with the help of the party spin machine, as an end to the "something for nothing culture" that pervades the benefits system.
Now, set aside for the moment the debate about whether this is some form of slave labour, or a way of quietly abolishing the minimum wage (although this latter begs the question as to whether it is right that only the unemployed should be allowed to opt for jobs below the minimum wage or whether only community groups should be allowed to pay below the minimum wage). We do in fact already have a deep rooted "something for nothing culture" in this country and seventy per cent of us, those who live in houses they actually own, believe that they have an absolute right to this "something for nothing" and over the past decade or so of rising land values, pushing house prices through the roof, they have benefitted massively.
Indeed, most of us can probably point to people who, over the past few years, have seen their wealth in the form of property, the value of their home, increase by more than their annual income from working. Equally in the same measure, we can probably point to people who, because they weren't lucky enough to have got in on this rat race of home ownership, have seen their chances of ever doing so fade as the multiple of income they now have to pay increases beyond any prudent lender would allow them to borrow.
Of course there are many who would point out that this wealth only really exists on paper; that for as long as we need a place to live the current value of the spot we own is of little meaning, as everywhere else is rising or falling in similar proportions and if we want to move we'll still need to cash in what we have and perhaps pay even more for our next home. And that this paper value is only of any use to us when we reach our final resting place or, if we are sensible about it, when we decide we no longer need the property we bought when we wanted to get the kids into a good local school or be close to the fast rail line into work or whatever and "downsize" or "escape to the country", hopefully giving us a pot of cash in the process to make our final years more comfortable.
Some may even suggest that it has been an unquestionable benefit to the economy as people have cashed in through equity release schemes and re-mortgaging to supply them with cash which has kept the consumer demand in the economy going when other countries' economies may have suffered recession and stagnation. As we face a possible slide in property values of course some of these people may find out to their cost that funding their lifestyles from the value of their home was a bad idea and that the only people, longer term, to benefit, are the bankers who they will be paying for their profligacy for years to come.
But I do not want to focus on whether housing is a good or bad investment: clearly in many cases it is a good one as the market is currently structured, albeit an unorthodox sort of investment - you don't usually get to consume something that continues to rise in value. I want to show you that it is an inequitable investment, that it is "something for nothing" and that the least well off pay for home owners' prosperity in a very real way even if that prosperity is mostly "on paper" for most of the time.
Carried to its logical conclusion, it means that some have the right to prevent others from living; for the right to own implies the right exclusively to occupy, and in fact laws of trespass are enacted wherever property in land is recognised. It follows that if the whole area of terra firma is owned by A, B and C, there will be no place for D, E, F and G to be born, or, born as trespassers, to exist.Devil's Dictionary, 1911, Ambrose Bierce
If we go back to first principles, to what philosophy seems to call the "state of nature", some of the most fundamental assumptions are still as valid today as they ever were. We only have one planet. So every living soul born on that planet has to share it with everyone else - there is, as yet, no escape from that. The corollary of that is that everyone born on this planet has a right to a share of the planet - an absolute right, a "birthright". Some things we are completely dependent on the planet to provide for life...we need a place to live; humans cannot wander all the time, we need to sleep and to sleep we need to stop wandering. Similarly we need air, water, sustenance and again, we know ultimately of no way of producing these artificially without involving the natural resources of the planet.
Now, in that state of nature, if there's nothing else, like society, to hold us dependent on one place for any of these requirements of life, we would all be able to spread out, and appropriate as much land as we need to sustain our own lives, as individuals or families without negatively affecting anyone else. This "free land" gives us freedom, independence and life. Even today, in "overcrowded" England, as many would have us believe, there's enough land area for us all, every man, woman and child of us, to have just over a half an acre each - globally there's about 5.5 acres each of land mass. Naturally, not all these acres are fertile and even if they were, subsistence farming does not create wealth. Human growth and ingenuity requires that we specialize and socialize, which will usually mean also urbanize. Until we invent Scotty's instant transporter we have to make do by fitting many more people into urban land simply so they can be close enough to the facilities they need, and we need them to have - such as workplaces, to make working there viable.
But why should any of this mean that we give up our birthright, our common and individual birthright, to share equitably in the wealth of the planet itself? After all, you, the home owner, need me, the tenant, to work at whatever it is I do to provide you and everyone else with goods and services the economy demands. I, to fulfill my potential and contribute to the fullest to society, am better off working at what I do than ever I would be tending half an acre of small-holding (especially if you have seen my attempts to grow a window box of herbs!). But where is that birthright? Well, it is in the value of the location on which your home, office, factory or whatever stands, and it is created by and belongs to all of us!
Not one solitary square inch of English soil remains unclaimed on which the landless citizen can legally lay his hand without paying a toll to somebody;
in other words, without giving a part of his own labor or the product of his labor to one of the squatting and tabooing class in exchange for their permission (which they can withhold if they choose) merely to go on existing upon the ground which was originally common to all alike, and has been unjustly seized upon (through what particular process matters little) by the ancestors or predecessors of the present monopolists.
"Individualism and Socialism," Contemporary Review (1889), Charles Grant Allen
You see, even John Locke, arch-defender of private property, recognized that there were limits to the right to appropriate land - the stuff of nature that exists in a finite amount yet which we all need to survive. Robert Nozick coined the phrase the "Lockean Proviso" for the principle that however much you take and occupy for yourself equity demands that you leave "enough, and as good, in common...to others". A hundred and thirty years after Locke wrote his Second Treatise of Government, David Ricardo formulated his Law of Rent, and a few years later Johann Heinrich von Thunen demonstrated the practicalities of this using data from his family estates.
It would be too much here to explain all of these ideas in any detail, but what they all amount to is that as you get closer to the social, employment, commercial facilities that more people need access to the land value surrounding those facilities absorbs some of the wages of all who need to access those facilities and is reflected in higher land values. So you see, this is not a fight just between the thirty per cent who don't own their home and the seventy that do. Many of that seventy per cent are also affected by this accretion of wages to land values. Think of it this way - you may have to settle (and you may enjoy it!) for buying a property several miles away from your work place or the nearest high quality commercial centre because all the property closer is too expensive. All those land owners that you pass on the way to work are gaining from your and the many other people in the same situation unfulfilled need.
Even more galling is that if we all happen to have the same incomes - you having managed to grab your slice of land at some earlier stage when it was less popular and therefore cheaper - we are taxed at the same level on those incomes. In turn both of our sets of taxes are used to invest in even more facilities that contribute to those land values. The person owning property closer to the "action" is gaining from all of our taxes disproportionately from those living further away. Similarly, the person owning property closer to the action has no incentive at all to release that location for others who may need it more at different stages in their lives, because they are continuing to gain from it and from those for whom it may now be a more appropriate place to settle. They are, quite literally, getting something for nothing, on their part at least. Something from the needs and activities of all of us that could make as good or better use of that location.
If you are interested in exploring this further, I would recommend a recent book by a chap called Fred Harrison, called "Ricardo's Law: House Prices and the Great Tax Clawback Scam (Why Tony Blair's Project Failed)" in which he shows that all the arguments about Londoners and people in the south east subsidizing other areas of the country via the tax and regional grant system pales into insignificance when you realize that the overall effect of that spending is to make property values in the south east and London increase faster.
Harrison concludes, as I do, that the entire tax system should therefore be based on the values created by all of us but currently "enclosed" by land owners. A hundred and more years ago the American self-educated economist, Henry George, encapsulated this into his idea of a "single tax" - that all the rental value of unimproved land in any jurisdiction should be collected by the state, whose fiscal program should be strictly limited to the amount that can be collected this way. He preferred, as again do I, that the state would do very little but turn that money around and dole it out to everyone, equally, in the form of a Citizen's Income; if you like, a dividend from what we all invest by creating that land value in the first place - our common birthright. At the same time, our average tax bill per individual would be halved, our economy would grow by around a third and we'd have a much more equitable society.
"The value of land rises as population grows and national necessities increase, not in proportion to the application of capital and labour, but through the development of the community itself. You have a form of value, therefore, which is conveniently called 'site value,' entirely independent of buildings and improvements and of other things which non-owners and occupiers have done to increase its value - a source of value created by the community, which the community is entitled to appropriate to itself. …In almost every aspect of our social and industrial problem you are brought back sooner or later to that fundamental fact."
[Mr. H.H. Asquith, at Paisley, 7th June 1923]
"We hold, as we always have held, that, so far as practicable, local and national taxes which are necessary for public purposes should fall on the publicly-created value rather than on that which is the product of individual enterprise and industry. That does not involve a new or additional burden on taxation, but it would produce these two consequences - first of all, that we should cease to be imposing a burden upon successful enterprise and industry; and next, that the land would come more readily and cheaply into the best use for which it is fitted. These two things would be two potent promoters of industry and progress."
[Mr. H.H. Asquith, at Buxton, 1st June 1923]
at 20:30
The Competition Commission has suggested, perhaps commanded (I no longer know what sort of power the CC has given that most competition issues are meant to be dealt with on a Europe-wide basis) that BAA ought to sell some of its airports, and in particular two of the three main London ones. I am uneasy about this for two main reasons...
First off I am deeply suspicious about the timing of the Competition Commission's investigation which seemed to be a (possibly coincidental) reaction to those foreigners (Ferrovial) taking over a British company which had owned those airports for a significant time. If there was a problem with monopoly, surely it should have been taken into account when BAA was first privatised.
And second it is a big step to try and force someone to divest themselves of their own property, especially when it's not as if they are "absentee landlords" but working, and presumably working quite successfully (other than the debt burden) the property.
But there is another problem. The monopoly is not really about the airports themselves - and indeed making them compete directly by being owned by separate owners wanting to maximise their income from each individual airport is likely I would have thought to result in heavier use of all of them, increasing the discomfort for the folk who have to live as neighbours of these smelly, filthy, noisy facilities.
It is exacerbated by the fact that what they really control is access to the airlanes that supply those airports. Airlanes that are, in the economic sense, "land" - part of "unimproved" natural resources with finite space - and in this case also time - (though of course safety technologies can increase the capacity a little) for all the potential users. This is part of the commons, and Ferrovial/BAA and the longer established airlines profit directly from the monopolistic enclosure of those airlanes.
Like the Electromagnetic Spectrum they are part of the "commons" and should be leased at their full economic rent from the state for our collective benefit. They are most commonly called "landing slots" and are worth a huge amount of money - Deloittes reckons that peak day time slots at Heathrow are worth up to £30 million per pair in summer, and there are 9,562 (4,781 pairs - one to land and one to take off on) per week in high season, with an overall limit of 480,000 per year at the moment.
The slot situation is currently, by common consent, pretty chaotic. The government has capped the amount BAA can charge and capped the amount by which it can increase the charge, but 97% of all slots at Heathrow for example are not open to effective competition as they are sold at this capped cost to airlines who have been there the longest, so called "grandfather rights". Heathrow is the only airport in Europe at which there is a significant amount of secondary trading in a "grey" market which is where the £30 million per pair arises. All this profit, the economic rent, goes to the airlines and Deloittes goes on to calculate that BA's slot portfolio may be worth up to £2bn if it were included in its balance sheet as an asset compared with its market capitalisation of around £2.7bn!
The CAA should be auctioning airspace rights to all airports at whatever the market will pay, whilst airports themselves should be responsible for charging the airlines for the use of the "improvements" - the terminal access, ground facilities and so on.
This would force traffic that doesn't actually need to use these massively oversubscribed London airports out to existing regional airports first, often reducing travel times - why travel from Lancaster to London to get a plane if the destination you want is available more cheaply from Manchester - as well as bringing increased economic activity to the areas around those regional airports - airports are a huge draw for international businesses. And unless the overall capacity of slots convenient for travelers' points of origin and destination is actually more than required, would generate a goodly sum for the government in a more market efficient way than say fuel taxes.
I hope we will be having a debate at South Central regional conference on Heathrow's third runway proposals. I believe the rigorous eradicating of this money for nothing monopoly on the part of the airports and airlines through nationwide slot auctions would actually obviate the need for the extra imposition this third runway would cause on teh surrounding areas without affecting overall the competitiveness of Heathrow for flights that really need to use it.
at 10:47
Thanks to Liberal conspiracy for highlighting protectionist amendments being sneaked into the Telecoms directive which MEPs will decide on tomorrow:
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Purple Cthulhu and prominent Brussels-ite Nick Whyte |
The amendments basically set the scene for forcing ISPs to monitor all their customers' traffic to catch them sharing copyrighted material on the web and to cut customers off if they keep doing it.
Over in the comments on Matt Wardman's blog posting the other day I suggested that this whole surveillance obsession smacks of "we do it because we can". Why should one's electronic communications, voice or data, be any more permissible to be snooped on than any other communication - snail mail, face to face or similar. Just because we can. For a variety of reasons electronic communications leave traces, and traces can always be tracked, but why should they be?
It is true that we need to have a debate about intellectual property and how, or indeed whether, it should be enforced in an era of global instant communication. It appears that the artists tend to be ahead of their production companies in exploring how to use the massive marketing opportunity that is the internet, such as recent experiments in releasing music for free, or on honesty box terms, on the web. But of course it is the media corporations and production companies that are lobbying for this sort of protectionist measure. The debate needs to be held much more widely than that though, and not snuck through where these measures were explicitly removed from the directive last time the European Parliament discussed it.
I have written to Sharon Bowles and Emma Nicholson. I suggest everyone take a look at the details of these amendments and give some thought to writing also to any of their MEPs. It is being debated tomorrow, so act fast!
I very fundamentally believe that the internet in particular is seen as a threat by both governments and corporations who feel they are not able to control it. For me, it is the greatest advance in people communicating with people and eventually needing far less "government" to broker their international relationships or trans-national corporations to broker their trade. But for it to bring about the vast benefits of voluntary co-operation amongst individuals around the world it needs to find its own rules, not have them imposed by those very bodies that are scared of it!
at 00:45
Quite by chance, as if on order to make the local elections more exciting in my ward, two local planning issues have suddenly popped up (not entirely unexpectedly it has to be said) that are likely to cause a deal of controversy when they get to decision-making time. I don't want to talk about their planning merits or otherwise on here. But I do want to use them because they are very good examples of why I am so passionate about land reform.
The first, in the ward in which I am standing is an application for new student residences adjacent to the site on which I am a warden proposed by my employers, Oxford Brookes University. To be fair it will make more of an impact on residents in the neighbouring ward, but it is the economics of it all I want to look at not the planning, to show why land value tax would be such a benefit to the community.
The second, just over the main road in the neighbouring ward but which will make a significant impact on neighbours in both wards one way or another is the news today that Tesco have bought up a local former pub building from a local bar/restaurant entrepreneur who had seemingly been knocked back in the early stages of planning such that he no longer felt it worth fighting for his ideas for the site. Here I want to look at how the planning system seems to favour the bigger developer with the financial clout and how this affects the fairness of land law.
But first, the new proposed halls of residence. This site is approximately quarter remaining of a site the university acquired from the Department of Social Security about seven years ago now. When I was last on the council, just at the end, they had owned the site for about six months, if I remember correctly having bought the whole thing for either eight or eleven million pounds through a charitable trust set up for the purpose and were just getting outline planning consent.
The entire site had been only about a quarter used for several years since most parts of the DSS had moved out. And even when at "full capacity" it had been an egregiously inefficient use of a piece of prime inner suburban land - even for offices - since it was half car park and half single storey nissan hut type buildings.
Since it had been government owned, effectively there was no income to the public purse from this land. Once it was owned by a charity the empty land has generated no receipts to the public purse in the form of business rates. The charitable trust sold off about a quarter of the land to the adjacent Oxford International Centre for Islamic Studies, first for use as a contractors car park and now it lies more or less empty. A hectare of prime city centre building land. The university built nearly seven hundred student rooms in new halls on half of the original land and these were opened five years ago now. But it is the effect of this last quarter of of the site I want to examine and show how failing to encourage optimal use of land where it is available is a disaster for the rest of us.
The site is about a hectare. So if the original purchase price for the entire site was the higher of the two figures I remember hearing at the time - eleven million pounds, its share would be two and three-quarters million. The current application is for 335 study bedrooms and since the student halls market has changed out of all recognition in those seven years, commercial firms are willing to pay it is rumoured up to £45,000 per room for suitable land, as a site alone it would be worth more like fifteen million pounds.
Point one: whilst the local authority has received virtually nothing for this land in rates, the owners, either the university or the charitable trust, have effectively got a book profit of £12 million - a four hundred per cent return in seven years.
335 study bedrooms would, if theory, allow some 83 four bedroomed family homes to be freed up from the current student private rented market somewhere in the city assuming student numbers overall remained static. That's 83 largeish families who have been otherwise excluded from the housing market in Oxford for seven years because these halls did not exist. At its worst, that means that the tax-payer, through housing benefit, has spent upwards of ten million a decade supporting those households in private rented accommodation while they wait for "affordable housing".
Point two: the cost to the tax-payer of that piece of land laid idle and not producing any local taxation has been at least ten million in housing benefits to private landlords while the owners have made that massive book profit.
Now imagine if that land were taxed on its value at its most productive use - that's currently the £15 million or so a commercial halls of residence developer would pay for it. A ten percent land tax would now be yielding the public purse £1.5 million a year, and more importantly would have been liable for that tax all the while it has been so underused. No owner with any financial sense would have kept that land out of productive use with a tax bill like that. The land would have been brought into its best use long ago, either as housing itself or freeing up those equivalent 83 units for family use instead of student private lets, and the tax-payer would not have had to support 83 families to the tune of that £10 million pounds a decade in supported housing.
Now, don't get me wrong, I am neither criticising my employer nor demanding ten storey blocks of flats on every vacant site. But I am illustrating the cost to society of holding land out of use, and the unfairness where, in doing so, the owners have made a vast profit at the direct expense of the tax-payer. It's the system that causes this, not the participants in that system who are only following the rules everyone else plays by.
Now to the "Tesco pub". Some time ago this down at heel local pub was closed, its future uncertain. A well known local restaurant and property entrepreneur bought it up and a few months ago publicized his idea for turning it into a row of three shops and some flats above in a "landmark" new building. But with an ambivalent local reaction and, it seems, less than enthusiastic reception from the city's planners to the idea, this chap pulled his plans and decided to look around for a buyer. The land registry records show that the property had cost him £400,000 and that it was mortgaged so he had financed it empty for seven or eight months developing his ideas and the prospect of a long uphill struggle into the unforeseeable future in the planning system means he would be financing it empty for many months, if not a couple of years to come.
It is opposite a long established and not so long ago refurbished and extended local Co-op store (where I joined as a member of the Co-operative and where I shop several times a week in preference to all the other supermarkets around I could potentially choose from) and a less long established Costcutter store that houses the local Post Office and a similarly aged Chemist shop that replaced a locally owned and well patronized cycle and fishing tackle shop and an electrical retailer. It is, to put it mildly, on an awkward site, at a very odd junction just at the point the Marston Road becomes a dual carriage-way "boulevard" and buses turn right against the traffic whilst the off-road cycle lane comes to an end, the road splits into two lanes prior to a busy and slightly awkward double roundabout junction. There is just enough parking in the lay-by outside the existing shops for their customers and nowhere else for cars to park.
The site might have been viewed as ideal for shopping or catering uses complimentary to the existing neighbouring shops. Extending the range of goods and services people could get in a single visit to the local shops. All very sustainable. And contributing to the local economy and the success of local entrepreneurs - all of which tends to keep more money in circulation more locally in Oxford, making us all better off.
But now Tesco have the site. Obviously, they are in competition with two of the existing local stores. For many, they will do a better job of supplying their grocery needs and at lower prices. That too is good for peoples' pockets and therefore local wealth retention. But since, if they've borrowed to buy it at all, as opposed to taking the purchase price out of the weekend's take from the nearby Tesco out of town superstore, it's probably a tiny dent in their current income rather than a major liability as it would have been to the local entrepreneur who had borrowed to buy it as a significant chunk of his portfolio. And they can afford to sit on it until the planners give in, until attrition of any opposition to the idea gives them an easier ride in the planning process.
At the moment I wouldn't dare to have made up my mind about the idea of Tesco Express there. On the one hand, competition is good for the consumer. On the other, Tesco has such financial clout that it could send its competition to the wall and leave it eventually and open field to increase prices because of its local monopoly. And there again, whilst as a member I would be very sad to see either of the two existing competing stores fail, they would almost certainly then be occupied by some other, and probably local, entrepreneur with another great idea that would compliment rather than compete in its turn with the Tesco store. Again, this increases the range of goods and services a person can get in one trip to the local shops.
But all I am highlighting is that because the planning system causes a proportionately greater opportunity cost to fall on the smaller businessman it actually favours the big financial muscle of large corporates who can afford to take the risk for longer. It is not a level playing field. But, as in the previous story, it's the playing field on which all would be developers have to play. On the other hand again, it would be quite wrong for the planning system to become a tool of protectionism, benefitting one business or businessperson over another by preventing competition. Perhaps in an LVT based system the tax payable on a site should be suspended for the time during which the planning bureaucracy was deciding on a proposal to concentrate the minds of planners on getting the best deal for all parties in the minimum time possible and enabling people to get on with running their businesses, extending their homes, or whatever the application was for.
Anyway - all that was a bit of a marathon use of two local and serendipitously current issues illustrate quite well some of my hot button issues on land reform, free trade and anti-protectionism and localism.
at 10:49
Whilst sales may not be huge at the moment compared with their previous albums, getting to number one in the charts with an album you first gave away for whatever someone wanted to pay for it must be counted a success. It'll be interesting to see how this affects the way the music industry promotes stuff in future, if it changes anything at all:
Radiohead have topped the US album charts with the physical release of In Rainbows, originally sold via the internet for a price chosen by fans. The album sold 122,000 copies during its first week, displacing soul singer Mary J Blige from the number one spot.
It is the band's second US chart topper following 2000's Kid A, which sold an initial 207,000 copies. Analysts say the relatively modest sales of In Rainbows were due to its earlier high profile digital release.
at 08:54
Damn, just the other night, listening to some music I wanted to check out the score to, I was going to look for a resource such as this...(Via Mises.org again):
A very cool project has been killed by copyright. According to Wikipedia,
"The International Music Score Library Project (IMSLP) was a project for the creation of a virtual library of public domain music scores, based on the wiki principle. Since its launch on February 16, 2006, more than 15,000 scores, for 9,000 works, by over 1,000 composers were uploaded, making it one of the largest public domain music score collections on the web. The project used MediaWiki software to provide contributors with a familiar interface.
"Following a cease and desist letter from Universal Edition of Vienna, IMSLP closed on October 19, 2007... The cease and desist letter expressed concern that some works that are in public domain in the server's location in Canada with copyright protection of 50 years post mortem, but which are protected by the 70 years post mortem term in some other countries were available in those countries. ... It has since moved to a temporary site with no content."
Anyone who loves music ought to mourn its passing. Except for those who also support copyright, who should be tarred and feathered.
(Thanks to Tim Virkkala)
at 14:43
Way back last year sometime James Graham wrote an insightful piece about Intellectual Property - the big 21st century faultline?. As readers will know, as a mutualist, like other libertarian and anarchist descendants (part of the debate amongst whom James highlights), I regard patents and copyrights as one of the four great monopolies that have to be crushed before we get a truly free world and a genuine advance in the conditions of labour. It's not one that I major on because I don't understand it enough yet to make decent arguments - particularly it has to be said against those who tell me that pharmaceutical life saving advances would be jeopardized by any change to this protectionist mechanism.
But as well as obviously following the debate about digital rights/restrictions the subject recently came up at a university board meeting where we were discussing the outrageous economic rent stolen by publishing houses from academics in return for organizing a peer review system that things like Technorati rather prove unnecessary to my mind.
Anyway, I just thought James, if he hasn't seen it already, might like to see this analysis at the Ludvig von Mises Institute blog of the Radiohead album giveaway "stunt" and how it might change the playing field as the CD version of the album goes on sale in the US today: read more »










