The libertarian response to the BabyP case
Over at "Letters from a Tory", the question has been posed, how would libertarians have protected BabyP. It is something I thought about quite a lot when the story first broke and I've written a long response to LFAT in the comments there. But I thought it was worth posting in its own right:
I go further, in theory at least, than even LFAT's definition of libertarianism (as one who believes the state should enforce the law). I am more of an anarchist. Though people often misunderstand that as meaning absolutely no controls on what people do and no institutions to enforce them. That is wrong; anarchists would say that in doing away with government other structures, such as a “private law society ”, would emerge that are more consenual and explicitly contract and economic incentive driven. Also anarchism rests on the core belief in self-ownership and that everyone has the right to do as they please insofar as it does not affect another’s ability to do the same.
I did think quite long and hard about how the BabyP case ought to affect that perspective. The first thing I found is that there are at least another couple of dozen incidents of the death of a child (half under one and most by parents themselves) in “child cruelty” type incidents (rather than accident or bizarre whole family suicide type incidents I assume) every year in Britain. In other words, BabyP is not the unique case that the (quite justified) moral outrage it has generated seems to suggest. Maybe it’s mostly because Haringay is seen as having “form” on this issue after Climbie. It's a "good story" that "social services gets it wrong again". Not such a good story that at least another two dozen are going on every year around the country and nobody seems to care!
But the message is that whatever various social services and child protection agencies do know they “fail” a lot more than they’re telling us. My suspicion is that this is down to most other cases being completely under the radar of the state protection apparatus until it’s too late (and if so - what use are those state agencies if they are unable to prevent the most egregious abuse because they cannot see it coming?). Determined sadists are often quite good at covering their tracks. Just look at both Fritzl in Austria and our own version in Sheffield the other week. We can be shocked and say someone must have noticed that level of abuse even with the most determined concealing by the perps, but no. It happens and nobody managed to stop it or even recognize it.
Also, even in an anarchist worldview, the care of a child is something that is a joint trust between parents and the rest of society - society would have ended up paying for the effects of his tortured life, as Martin Narey (deliberately) controversially said, if he had grown up to become a “feral yob”. Indeed, as Guido says in the comments on LAFT's post, our welfare and benefits systems include some level of perverse incentive for people to have children who probably shouldn’t; or at least shouldn’t at a point in their lives when they can barely support themselves.
At the moment then we “contract out” to effectively disinterested parties (the state - who get paid in reality whatever the outcome and only get into any bother at all in the most egregious and publicly visible cases of failure) to carry out a function more properly suited to much more local, neighbourhood, and more importantly family, scrutiny. Where, in a “market anarchist” worldview, ought such oversight to lie? Can we imagine on whom there would be an economic incentive to ensure as far as is possible the safety of someone else’s child?
As others have mentioned, institutions such as the RSPCA (though I think they have been ceded too much power often) and the RNLI, already carry out an effective job in their respective fields. Something like the NSPCC would emerge as the champion of the most vulnerable in the last resort and would in a private law society be likely to take action to defend the “self-ownership” and freedom from aggression and coercion of a child, even against its parents (if it became apparent). Should a hospital say even allow a child born to someone who has not the means or willingness to make proper provision for bringing up a child (which could probably be evidenced from their pre-natal attitude or lack of attempt to make provision) to be taken home in the first place without much more scrutiny as to how good care they’re going to get?
Remember too, that we believe that in the absence of state-capitalism and the grossly distorted playing field that creates through privilege and patronage to the detriment of the poorest, even those poorest would be better equipped economically to make provision through friendly societies and such like for health care and so on. So I’m not suggesting that the poor should not be allowed to take their babies home. Just that in such an environment it would probably be more noticeable, not less, as to which parents had even made an honest attempt to make provision or establish a support network of family first, community second and paid for assistance third, and perhaps the economic incentive might fall on the delivering hospital at least to ensure that such prima facie support was available. They could then even at that early stage alert an organization such as NSPCC or find themselves on the receiving end of a negligence claim if anything bad happened.
Finally (I think), in such a more human scale society, I suggest it would be easier, not harder, for friends and neighbours to intervene earlier. It is in most of their economic interests often too not to be supporting or fostering in their midst the sort of home circumstances in which these sort of psychotic evil doers can function with impunity. Would the mother’s partner’s sadistic friend really only have been a problem for the child? Would not neighbours and other family members have an interest in ensuring they were driven from their midst? At the moment everyone is too tied up in making ends meet in an unfair world perhaps to care too much what happens next door until it spills over more obviously into their lives.
In summary, I’m not sure I can see how in an anarchist, private law type society, it could be any worse than relying on the economically disincentivised civil servants to whom we contract out our social and neighbourly awareness “duties”. And the altogether more humane, less oppressed society that ought to result from such freedoms may well be able to intervene earlier and more consensually in order to protect their own interests as well as those of the child.


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4 comments for "The libertarian response to the BabyP case".
1. Jock, you are quite right
Jock, you are quite right that these things happen far more often than people realise. That is why those of us who have some knowledge and experience of child protection issues reacted rather differently to the Baby P case than those wound up about it who howled for vengeance. We know the real depth and amount of horribleness that is happening to children in our society is vast, and struggling against that and picking up the case where the child actually runs a serious risk of being killed from the cases where the child is just living a rather miserable and stunted life is an almost impossible task.
The point I have argued about elsewhere, and never received any sort of response is that in a society governed by custom and tradition, there are mechanisms to guard against this that do not require the state. Instead, there's morality enforced by fear of ostracism - no sex outside mariage, and no marriage until you can afford the kids, and the extended family have their eyes on you to make sure you keep to that, and in the worst cases, ways of enforcing it that don't require the state - just that sense of "honour".
That is why I have put the point that perhaps the odd Baby P case is a price we pay for social freedoms we value.
2. Matthew, whilst I agree
Matthew, whilst I agree that "honour" is more what I am thinking of - "human scale intervention" by family, neighbours, friends and so on - I wonder what the historical stats actually say. I know, for example, our previous head of Social Sciences was chair of ESRC and an expert on the use of statistics in social sciences and particularly family policy.
There were more teenage conceptions in the twenties for example than today and whilst they might have been out of wedlock, births tended to be inside marriage - at the end of a shotgun so to speak. I wonder whether that culture of enforced family life would have led to more or fewer BabyP type incidents, or whether the fact that someone cared enough to wield that shotgun meant that immediate parents aside the family network would have been more accommodating and concerned.
Also I do worry my reasoning that we should be relying on more personal intervention and, as you put it, ostracism,could be seen as calling for something not too far off the "Magdalene Sisters" type of viciousness towards the feckless and incompetent. There must be a middle way.
A mid-wife for example would get a very good impression I reckon as to whther a mother had given anything more than a cursory thought as to how they would look after a child, socially, economically, psychologically.
I certainly think it is more likely an impossible task for an emotionally detatched bureaucracy, whatever the personal motivations of the members of that bureaucracy which I am quite sure are more than not highly honourable, even, in their own minds, a "high calling".
Also, when people get all het up that, for example, bringing up a child in a caring but religious household is tantamount to abuse, or a strict parent using the occasional smack in discipline being something child protection ought to get involved in, there is so much scope for missing the real problems of downright cruelty.
3. Glad we can agree on
Glad we can agree on something by the way!
4. There are two flaws I can
There are two flaws I can see in the argument that the state gets in the way and that small-scale society and custom are effective.
The first is that the level of modern child abuse is as nothing compared to what used to happen in this country and still does in many where the state is less powerful. Look at the child soldiers and rape victims in Sudan, the women living as servants to their male relatives across much of the arabic world or the vast majority of children sent out to work before they were ten or even sold to a local businessman. The idea that everything used to be rosy is pure fantasy.
The second is that local communities and customs are notoriously fickle. As long as you're conforming you're OK. But if you don't conform, perhaps because of your behaviour, or perhaps your race, language or sexuality, they can be pretty unforgiving environments.
There are lots of problems with things as they currently are, but it's definitely an improvement on the alternatives that have been tried so far in societies around the world.