Right vs Left; Protectionism vs Free Trade; Clegg vs Huhne?

I was at the Not-the-first-hustings yesterday at the South Central Conference at Newbury and was impressed by both Nick Clegg and Chris Huhne. I saw nothing to make me change my loyalties away from Chris, but one thing in particular Nick said (twice at least) was worth flagging up I thought.

Nick Clegg I think the first reference was in his speech when talking about how to re-engage voters in an era when so many people say "what does government matter when the global conglomerates have all the power" he seemed to say that government should seek to control (as in rein in not own I presume) big business. Then again, when one of the questions was about how to sell Europe, he suggested that one of the benefits of Europe was the ability of governments to club together to control such global corporations.

I'm don't recall whether these were the only references to what one might call "economic" policy but they stuck in my mind because, whilst the media seem to talk about Nick being on the "economic liberal" (code for "right wing" in the economically illiterate media) part of the party, these are the sort of anti-corporate slogans that characterize Caroline Lucas or Naomi Klein more than they would Milton Friedman. Further, in reference to his past role as an EU trade negotiator, he seemed to believe that this in fact meant Euro-protectionism rather than freeing global trade.

On the other hand, Chris, who I think it is generally accepted is more grounded in economic theory, cited yesterday Hobhouse and the early twentieth century liberal reformers as his heros and today on Andrew Marr's program Lloyd-George. These guys knew all about the best mechanisms for helping the poor working classes - free trade and anti-monopoly.

Chris HuhneI can't say whether Chris shares my view that the welfare state as conceived by these reformers was a necessary but essentially temporary measure only needed in an economic system that favoured the land-owner, capitalist and banker. But as a land value taxer, I would identify Chris with an "economic liberalism" that in a sense supersedes what many call "social liberalism". That believes that if we get the economic system more equitable, by reducing protectionism and monopolistic advantage, we create greater opportunity for the "little guy" than we can do by state led intervention in people's lives and wealth and consequently need a smaller safety net as a result.

Economic liberalism is "of the left" not the right. Its aim is to break the class and wealth based advantages enjoyed by the privileged and give the working person a greater share of the value of his or her production. Chris, I think, understands this. But Nick does not seem to be the "economic liberal" the press portrays him as, at least judging by those comments yesterday, but rather takes a protectionist and interventionist stance. A position which also has a big following in our party to be sure; this is not a value judgement, but it is a position I do not personally support (any longer).

All it goes to show really is that we cannot put any credence on the media who mischaracterize "economic liberalism" as something of the right and "social liberalism" as something of the left, and, having failed to understand either put our two candidates in those false categories. Nick might be on the "right" in the sense that he is apparently a protectionist, but it's not the sort of "right" the meedja seem to understand!

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Comments

Regardless of this teasing interpretation prejudice and a few lines at a hustings, I would like to take issue with the portrayal of Hobhouse in this blog.

If you read Hobhouse's Liberalism you will see that free trade is not his main priority, but redistribution. He is a strong advocate of setting an upper cap on wages, £50000 pounds a year if I remember correctly. In reality Hobhouse was quite socialist in his economic theory. He undoubtably made fantastic contributions to social theory, and I am a huge fan (particularly of his ideas of religious tolerance and gentlemanly duty), but the idea that he advocated "free trade" is a little false.

I think you're taking a big leap of faith to say that Hobhouse didn't write about free trade but because he was a liberal (defined how?) he must have supported free trade. The reason free trade was and is fascinating is that it divided parties and pitted brother against brother.

Interestingly it also divides "Left" and "Right" in a manner that exposes most eloquently the moribund nature of these terms. Social market interventionism doesn't work if one allows foreign rivals to make a mockery of one's plans; but the national interest (as narrowly defined by dirigiste politicians) cannot be maximised either. OTOH, whether one prioritises social justice or freedom, one must accept free trade: in the first case because it is the most efficacious means of achieving the goal; in the latter, because it is an integral aspect of human choice.

I have more to say about you post, but I've got to run.

Interesting to see you criticising Clegg for wanting to control the global conglomerates. I have read you blog before, and I got the impression, that you oppose monopolies. Of course I can't judge from your sparse quote, what Clegg was actually talking about, but wouldn't you agree that the global monopolies should somehow be held in check?

I recalled, that you had made a test, which showed that you are 40% Socialist, and according to which "you tend to see both the government and corporations as potentially corrupt", and so I searched and found it.

BTW, are you saying that Chris doesn't think that the global conglomerates should ever be controlled, for any reasons?

You might be right in your interpretation of Clegg's comments, but I'm not sure you are. I don't think what was being referred to was protectionism so much as simply seeking to exert some control over globalisation. The almost complete absence of any international control over some aspects of international trade is (I think) one of the most disempowering elements of the twenty-first century, contributing among other things to things like low turnouts in elections. And this is an issue on which Clegg has positive form from his EP days (eg being part of setting up a Parliamentary Assembly for the WTO).

So, Hobhouse may not have written explicitly about free trade.   You sound outraged on his behalf that I suggest that he might have been, along with every other liberal thinker of that period.  It would not have been controversial.  Free trade was liberal policy (indeed teh very reason Churchill joined us0, and all I'm saying is that if you are going to cite as your political heroes the liberal reformers of that period you are presumably accepting that free trade logic which was such a core part of their beliefs for the best part of half a century.

Tom, yoiu're right, it was a leap of faith, and not one I intended to make. 

All I was trying to say was that *if* that liberal era is one that Chris looks to for his inspiration, whether in Hobhouse as he mentioned on Saturday or in Lloyd-George as he mentioned on Sunday, then he's looking at an era of which it was said by Philip Snowden in 1929, writing a preface to a new edition of Henry George's "Protection or Free Trade", that "two generations ago the great controversy of Free Trade and Protection was fought out in Great Britain, and so decisive was the victory of Free Trade that Disraeli declared Protection to be "dead and damned". 

If Hobhouse was outside of this broad consensus I apologise for misattributing to him the Free Trade cause, but the wider liberal reform movement in which Chris appears to put so much store, and the "left" in Britain more generally had accepted it.

And yes - I may have made a bit of a meal of it but one of the points about the whole blog post was to show how ridiculous it is to talk about left and right and to assign to those labels economic policies that were never such, mostly by the media.

I don't think there's any contradiction between this post and that previous one you mention.  The quote you provide is from the blurb from the test authors not me and I think the title of that post "Only 60%?" shows how disappointed I was to be even 40% "socialist" in their terms.  IN others of these internet supposed political barometer type tests I show up as 100% libertarian or 80-20 libertarian-liberal in US lingo.

But to answer your question, yes, I do oppose monopoly, and I do believe that monopolies should be eradicated wherever possible.  But I believe the same of Protection, because, as Philip Snowden (op cit above) also wrote "Protection is the foster-mother of monopoly, and monopoly in all its forms when enjoyed by individuals is the robbery of the community for the benefit of private interests".  But I've become more and more convinced that the sort of intervention practised by trading blocs like the EU (and I think too the WTO) amounts to protection on a global scale rather than the promotion of Free Trade.

And no, I'm not saying Chris doesn't believe in controlling conglomerates, I'm saying that in invoking the ideas of the Free Traders I think he knows better how it should be done - that you cannot eradicate private monopoly without attacking first the systemic monopolies and causes of monopolies - land, money, state protectionism and patents.

The thing that struck me Jeremy was how similar they were to the sort of anti-capitalist stuff I used to spout when I was more of a Tortskyite-Liberal!  And that that hinted at how wrong the MSM were about him being the doyen of the "economic liberal"
 wing of the party.  Of course a great irony is how many on the socialist left regard the EU as built around protectionism for European big business.

I just think that the world is in better shape today to go forward with the 1900s economic liberal policies as a better way of levelling the playing field in favour of the individual, as consumer or labourer, here or in the developing world, than the current trade negotiation mechanisms which almost always (perhaps inherently) end up favouring one big business over another.

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